Written by Dick Nichols
and first published at (Australian
Green Left Weekly)
The war
without guns between the Spanish state and the 80% majority of Catalan people
who support their parliament’s October 1 independence referendum is reaching a
climax at the time of writing on September 29.
On October 1,
it will become clear whether the Catalans have humiliated the central Spanish
People’s Party (PP) government by succeeding to vote; suffered a setback
because the 10,000 Spanish National Police and paramilitary Civil Guards in
Catalonia succeed in closing polling stations; or achieved a mixed result due
to only some voters getting into polling stations.
In this
decisive battle in Catalonia’s long struggle for self-determination against a
centralised Spanish state, the answers finally given to some tough questions
will decide the outcome.
Police response?
For example,
will the Catalan police (the Mossos d’Esquadra) carry out the role the Spanish
state prosecutor and judge of the High Court of Justice of Catalonia (TSJC)
have sadistically assigned them?
This is to
seal off a 100 metre perimeter around all polling stations by September 30 and
defend it — if needed with the help of the Civil Guard and Spanish National
Police — against those seeking to vote.
This may
sound like a simple policing operation, but education unions and parents
associations have already developed a counter tactic: to keep schools open all
weekend with programs of activities. They are inviting parents, students and
the community to participate: in short, organising school occupations.
This means
that on October 1, the schools that make up two-thirds of voting centres will
be full of people inside and surrounded by people seeking to vote outside.
Mossos d’Esquadra leaders have said that in this situation, they will not take
action that would worsen public security.
Faced with
this, will the Civil Guard and Spanish National Police try to force the Catalan
police to act against their fellow Catalans? How would the Catalan police
respond?
On September
27, Mossos d’Esquadra head Josep Lluis Trapero informed the TSJC and the
Spanish state prosecutor that the Catalan police would carry out instructions
to seal off polling centres. However, they would do so in accordance with the
three principles of “guaranteeing public order and citizen safety and avoiding
a greater evil”.
Given this,
Catalan daily Ara pointed out on September 28 that only a mobilisation large
enough to dissuade police action would guarantee that the referendum would take
place.
Blows and counterblows
This challenge
is well understood by the Catalan government, the Catalan social organisations
organising volunteers in the referendum and the growing mass of people
committed to ensuring it happens.
That
awareness showed in the rapid response to the instruction to seal off the
schools and other voting centres, and hand keys and security codes to police.
The Spanish state prosecutor in Catalonia issued the instruction on September
26 (without a court order) and it was repeated the next day by a TSJC judge.
Yet by
September 27, the education collective We Are School, the Alliance of Education
Workers Unions of Catalonia (USTEC) and General Union of Workers (UGT) had
launched the campaign Let’s Open The Schools.
The Open
Schools web site — through which people could offer to maintain school
occupations — was set up at the same time: in one day it attracted more than
50,000 volunteers.
For its part,
the Catalan government, sensitive to the situation of school principals and
community health centre directors, had its health and education ministers
assume collective responsibility for all polling stations in schools and health
centres.
This was a
counter to the TSJC judge’s order, which made these principals and directors
legally responsible for ensuring centres were kept closed.
On September
28, in a ceremony in the central Catalan government building in Barcelona,
hundreds of school principals handed over the keys to their centres to Catalan
Premier Carles Puigdemont. The act symbolised the Catalan government taking
responsibility for having schools open on October 1.
Puigdemont
said: “[The government] will go right to the end in taking responsibility for
October 1 ... Thank you for your perseverance, for everything that you have
done and will do — not for the government, not for the parliament, but for the
citizens.
“Going to
vote has turned into an epic, heroic exercise. I understand the anguish of
everyone, because we have all become targets of threats and intimidation.”
To the
familiar chant of “We Will Vote”, the short ceremony ended with a new addition:
“We Will Open.”
Growing insurrection
In his
speech, Puigdemont said that “for every difficulty there are two solutions, for
every threat three hopes”. He added: “There is a growing multitude of people
who are joining the new majority who want to vote.”
This last
comment referred to the extraordinary growth of the movement in support of the
referendum since September 20, when Civil Guard raids on Catalan government
buildings led to arrests of 13 senior government officials. That evening,
40,000 people gathered outside the Catalan economy ministry while Civil Guards
inside combed through files and computers.
On that
night, deputy premier Oriol Junqueras first uttered the phrase that has become
a sort of motto of the movement: “The government has done all it can, but only
the people can save the people.”
Since then,
the movement to ensure the referendum happens has expanded so rapidly in
Barcelona, other main provincial capitals and in “the shires” that it has been
very difficult to keep track. Major features to date have been:
University
students go into action. The flood of university students into the campaign
first became visible on September 21: they were dominant among the 20,000
protesting outside the TSJC building in support of Catalan government officials
who had been detained the previous day.
Since then,
the epicentre of student activism has been the occupation and sit-in at
Barcelona University known as “Caputxinada 2017” — a reference to a famous 1966
anti-dictatorship teach-in that was held in a Capuchin monastery.
The
occupation has already been the site of a broad September 29 public meeting
involving both pro-independence parties — Together For The Yes (JxSí) and the
People’s Unity List (CUP) — as well as deputy Barcelona mayor Gerardo Pisarello
from Barcelona en Comú.
It was also
the organising centre for a September 28-29 university student strike, as well
as a practical help centre for people to find out where to vote.
Other Catalan
universities have been the focus of discussions about how the movement for the
referendum can best advance.
The entry of
high school students. On September 27-28, high school students entered the
struggle for the referendum with a 48-hour strike that featured marches down
highways and teach-ins in schools.
The sight of
high school students marching out of school in support of an “illegal”
referendum caused apoplexy in the ranks of the ruling PP. The Spanish education
minister instructed prosecutors to investigate if teachers were complicit in
the walk-outs. The leader of the PP in Catalonia called for education to be
taken away from regional governments and recentralised under the Spanish
government.
The unions
begin to stir. The more militant unions, most notably firefighters, are
mobilising to defend the referendum. The firefighters union resolved to carry
pro-referendum propaganda on fire trucks, participate as organised contingents
in pro-referendum demonstrations and have offered to defend polling stations.
On September
28, Barcelona firefighters marched through the city to the Barcelona University
occupation. They then erected a huge four-story-high banner reading
“Democracy!” outside the Museum of Catalan History.
The broad
union movement — covering the two main confederations, Workers Commissions
(CCOO) and the General Union of Labour (UGT), but also the anarcho-syndicalist
General Confederation of Labour (CGT) and other radical forces — is being
shaken up by a discussion over how and when to hold a general strike.
The CGT and
other smaller unions have announced they will strike between October 3 and
October 8.
Other social
sectors. As with fire trucks, so with tractors. Rural Catalonia has been the
site of tractor processions in support of October 1. Farmers supporting the
referendum are also organising to defend polling stations with their tractors.
Since
September 20, there have also been statements — often taken out as full-page
advertisements in the print media — from other Catalonian sectors: small and
medium business’s “Lighthouse Manifesto” giving “unconditional support to the
process launched by our parliament”; a statement from 3000 cultural workers
condemning the police intervention and supporting October 1; statements from
progressive Christian organisations in favour of Catalonia’s right to
self-determination; and small printers and photocopying shops forming a network
to help the Catalan government with printing in case of further Civil Guard
confiscations.
Conclusion
The fight
between the Spanish government and the Catalan movement has escalated almost
daily. In a rising tide of legal and police attacks, there have been more than
90 actions and more 140 web sites closed down since September 6. The growing
counter-tide of revolt is making the political price for the PP government very
high.
A September
28 El Mon article quoted “a source close to the government who did not wish to
be identified” who acknowledged this reality.
Yet, as the
same source remarked, for the Spanish government, the cost of retreat would be
higher. Therefore, all the remaining police and legal resources under Madrid’s
command are to be hurled against the Catalan movement.
The Catalan
mass organisations have called on every supporter of the country’s right to
decide to make a last effort to ensure that this aggression fails — and that as
a result, the PP administration experiences its own richly deserved crisis.
[Dick Nichols
is Green Left Weekly’s European correspondent, based in Barcelona.]
The term 'State Terrorism' could certainly be applied in relation to the Spanish Government's stance, methinks.
ReplyDeleteAlan Wheatley
On Monday, 2 October, New Internationalist magazine reported
ReplyDeleteThe day Spain’s fascist tactics stopped democracy.
I would say that Spain's response was more toward engendering Civil War than encouraging Catalan's to unite WITH Spain.
Alan Wheatley