Written by Gabriel Levy and first published at People and Nature
Strikes by
school pupils, and civil disobedience by Extinction Rebellion, pushed the UK’s
House of Commons into declaring a “climate emergency” on Wednesday. The government
is so weak and divided that – having
said one week ago that it would not make such a declaration – it caved in
and lined up behind a motion put by the Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn.
The Tories’
weakness really is part of this. The Prime Minister, Theresa May, lost the
ability to tell her MPs how to vote on anything, during repeated breakdowns of
their traditional discipline over Brexit. And the “climate emergency” vote took
place on the day that she fired her defence secretary Gavin Williamson for
breaching security.
And the
movements outside parliament made the difference. The Labour MP Faisal Rashid
pointed out during
the debate: “We are not here because of an international effort co-ordinated
by world leaders. […] We are here because a small group of schoolchildren
decided to walk out of school to take a stand against climate change, and they
have inspired a global movement.” It is “an indictment of our global political
leadership”, he argued.
Another
reason the “climate emergency” motion passed is that it committed neither the
government nor Parliament to do a single thing. It could be, and was, supported
by many total hypocrites as a way of co-opting
and defusing people’s anger.
Anyone who
thinks that Parliament actually meant what it said, when it voted for Corbyn’s
motion, should bear in mind that:
■ Parliament
believes it can declare a “climate emergency” while supporting a third runway
at Heathrow Airport. That will help ensure a global expansion of aviation,
which is completely incompatible with averting dangerous climate change.
Yesterday, parliament took a written statement from Chris Grayling, transport
secretary, welcoming the High
Court’s rejection of five legal challenges to the third runway. Green MP
Caroline Lucas asked environment secretary Michael Gove about Heathrow during
the “climate emergency” debate, and he sidestepped the question. When
parliament voted in June last year to support the third runway at Heathrow, 115
Labour MPs voted with the Tories in favour of it.
■ While the
Labour leadership moved the “climate emergency” motion – and good for them – a Labour-led
council Cumbria in March approved the UK’s first new deep coal mine in
decades, and Labour councils in London continue to support the Silvertown
Tunnel and other car-focused infrastructure while public transport is cut.
■ Tory MPs in
parliament – and some Labour ones too – see no contradiction between a “climate
emergency” and government policies that support fracking for gas; boost
subsidies to fossil fuel production (especially, tax breaks for oil companies
working on the North Sea); and trash measures to support solar power, onshore
wind and zero-carbon homes.
■ Greg Clark,
the business secretary, wound up the debate
in parliament by claiming capitalist economic expansion was the best way to
deal with climate change. “Enterprise [he meant, private enterprise by
capitalists] has been the greatest rebellion against extinction in the history
of the world”, he said. The big lie of our time.
It’s not only that these politicians are hypocritical and treacherous in their claims to be dealing with climate change.
It’s that the
solutions they propose range from measures carefully crafted not to damage the
capitalist economy (e.g. opening electricity markets to renewables, but only in
a way that helps big corporations keep control); to those that try to inflict
austerity on working people in the name of “climate emergency” (e.g. the French
government’s diesel tax that triggered the “yellow vests” revolt); to actively
destructive policies such as geo-engineering (which was mentioned by Michael
Gove when he met an Extinction Rebellion delegation last week).
To the extent
that the far right gains traction in government and parliamentary politics, the
“emergency” could also be used to justify anti-migrant policies and austerity
measures even harsher than were planned in France.
This
parliamentary decision tells us that the public space for discussion of climate
change is shifting. In my view this means that, outside Parliament – in climate
campaign organisations, in the labour movement, in social movements, in
communities – we have to develop real discussion about the measures we think
need to be taken in the light of this climate emergency.
We need to
work out how the fight to avert dangerous climate change, and the struggle for
social justice, can be combined. Nixing the third runway at Heathrow and the
Silvertown Tunnel, ending fossil fuel subsidies, vanquishing fracking – these
will be a good start. But only a start.
We need to
envision a transition away from fossil fuel consumption (the main cause of
global warming) that involves the transformation not just of some parts of the
economy, as some people claim, but of the whole economy and of society. The
corporations that develop the fossil-fuel-intensive industries, and the
relationships of wealth and power with which these industries are tied up, will
need to be confronted and defeated.
Parliament’s decision is a double-edged sword.
On one hand
it’s a weapon in the hands of each and every campaign on climate change in the
UK. It makes it all the more difficult for politicians and trade union leaders
to defend their indefensible decisions to support fossil fuel companies and
fossil-fuel-intensive infrastructure projects.
On the other,
it’s a reflection of a huge
political effort to co-opt, neutralise, patronise and smother the growing
movement against politicians’ inaction on climate change. The cynicism and
sophistication of these efforts should not be underestimated: they have been
going on globally ever since the Rio agreement on climate change was adopted in
1991.
And meanwhile, fossil fuel use has risen by about 60%.
We need to
define, outside parliament, what this emergency means, and how it is going to
be tackled.
1. WE need a common unified policy from all political parties.
ReplyDelete2. We need all NGO's to join/link in.
3. All voluntary groups, Transition/Climate Action groups to join/link in and any other groups that want to take action.
4. Educate, Educate, Educate, without educating our public the message will NOT get through.
5. Real or as near as possible costings to each action needs to be taken into account AND the costing of NOT taking action alongside !.
TO live we need:- Clean Air, Clean Water, Clean Food and Shelter.
The costs for all items include many different areas and require many different responses.
What can NOT be avoided is doing nothing regardless of cost !.
The start of this work needs to be immediate, the future is here !.
The Labour Party needs to have Climate Action as the lead item in its Manifesto as all other items link to it.
I would suggest a diagramatic display similar to Maslow's Hirearchy of needs would show the linkages and their affects quite nicely. Rgds.