Written by Alejandro López and first published at WSWS
There are
numerous unconfirmed reports of troops being sent to Catalonia and nearby
regions ahead of a possible unilateral declaration on independence early next
week.
Spain’s
political establishment is openly talking of invoking Article 116 of the
Spanish constitution, laying the basis for the imposition of martial law.
According to
military sources cited in the right-wing newspaper OkDiario, troops are being
mobilised to Aragón and Valencia, regions adjacent to Catalonia. It explains
that the Spanish government estimates that it is necessary to deploy around
30,000 security forces to take control of the region and to “establish
constitutional order against the insurrection.” The newspaper says this is a
“number which cannot be presently met by the 8,000 police and civil guards
currently deployed in Catalonia.”
According to
OkDiario, the divisions mobilized include the Division Castillejos (formerly
the Rapid Action Force), consisting of three brigades totalling 3,000 troops
(the airborne, the parachute and the legion brigades), along with the Armored
Infantry Alcázar of Toledo, consisting of 300 troops and 44 tanks. In addition,
Madrid is reported to be mobilising the Group of Special Operations of the
Navy, the Spanish equivalent of the Navy Seals.
The number of
troops being cited in other sources ranges between 12,000 and 16,000.
La Tribuna de
Cartagena explains that the frigate Navarra, escorted by two anti-mine
frigates, is going to depart to Barcelona fully equipped with troops, arriving
at Barcelona’s port on October 8—a day before the previously announced
declaration of independence is supposed to be made in the Catalan parliament.
According to a statement of the Ministry of Defence, the frigates are
participating in the Barcelona International Boat Show.
At the same
time, NATO has organised a training exercise under the title “Angel Guard”,
involving 600 military police from Spain and nine other NATO member countries.
According to the website of the Spanish army, these exercises aim to train
military police in the management of a command post during operations and raids,
escort and protection of authorities, neutralization of hostile armed personnel
inside a military compound and crowd control.
Article 116
involves the deployment of the military and allows the suspension of numerous
democratic rights including freedom of expression and the right to strike. It
also allows for preventive arrests. Suspending these rights would arm the state
with vast police powers that the military could use to terrorise the entire
working class, as the Franco regime did from 1939 to 1977.
The
Association of the Spanish Army (AME) posted a statement defending King Felipe
VI’s speech, in which the monarch denounced the Catalan independence referendum
and demanded that the Spanish state seize control of the region. The statement
describes the speech as “impeccable” because Felipe conveyed “clearly,
concisely and emphatically what the line to follow amid these difficult and
complex times.”
AME demanded
Popular Party Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy move “to defend without delay the
unity of Spain, its territorial integrity and its national sovereignty.”
The European
Union has declared its support for the military clampdown now being prepared.
During Wednesday’s debate in the European Parliament, Commission First Vice
President Frans Timmermans declared that it is “a duty for any government to
uphold the law, and this sometimes does require the proportionate use of
force.”
He was backed
by leading representatives of the Conservative, Social Democratic and Liberal
parties.
The
implications of such statements were made clear by German EU Commissioner
Gunter Oettinger, who warned yesterday that “There is a civil war imaginable
now in the middle of Europe,” before making the pious wish that “One can only
hope that a thread of conversation will soon be recorded between Madrid and
Barcelona.”
Spain’s media
is playing its part in paving the way for the military intervention through a
campaign aimed at dehumanizing the Catalan nationalists and, in some cases, the
whole Catalan population. Not one day passes where the press does not describe
developments in Catalonia as an “insurrection,” a “coup d’état,” “rebellion” or
as “treason” which needs to be crushed.
Catalan
nationalists are accused of brainwashing children and putting them at the front
line of protests to be attacked by police. The national police and civil
guards, who savagely injured 800 peaceful protestors last Sunday, are portrayed
as defenseless and persecuted by people protesting in front of their hotels and
temporary residences. The regional police, the Mossos, are presented as
treacherous and disloyal. The separatist Catalan Republican Left and the
pseudo-left separatist Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) are constantly attacked,
with articles describing them as “the cancer of Catalonia” ( ABC ), or calling
for these parties to be “beheaded …. and put in the dustbin of history” ( El
Español ).
Such
fascistic language precedes a provocative demonstration called for Sunday by
the Popular Party and the anti-secessionist Catalan Civil Society, an
organization with ties to the far-right. Backed by Citizens and the Socialist
Party, and widely promoted by the Madrid-based media, right-wing anti-Catalan
nationalists from throughout Spain are being bussed into Barcelona.
The far-right
character of the demonstration is acknowledged by its organisers.
In an
interview to El Confidencial, Javier Megino, vice-president of From Spain and
Catalonia, accepted that there will be neo-fascists and far-rightist present,
as they were during a demonstration against separation in Barcelona two weeks
ago. Asked if they might cause violence, Megino replied, “when you put together
so many people, it is impossible to control them all.”
The
demonstration clearly aims, not to represent the “silent majority” within the
Catalan population who oppose separatism as asserted by the media, but rather
to provoke a violent confrontation between Catalan separatist and fascist
forces which the government will seek to exploit to justify a crackdown.
The grave
political danger is that the working class in Spain and internationally is not
being mobilized against the repressive measures being prepared by Madrid.
At this
critical juncture, Catalan and Spanish workers must assess the political forces
that claim to supposedly defend them.
Catalan
regional premier, Carles Puigdemont, continues to call for dialogue, an option
rejected by Rajoy who declares him to be a criminal. Catalan vice-premier,
Oriol Junqueras, is mainly concerned at the announcements made by major banks
and companies like Banco Sabadell, CaixaBank, energy giant Gas Natural,
Abertis, biotech firm Oryzon and the telecommunications corporation Eurona that
they are moving out of Catalonia—fearing the future of the region amid the
separatist drive.
CUP
parliamentarian Eulàlia Reguant told the Catalan daily Nació Digital that her
party is working on a plan of how they will take control of Catalan territory,
including ports and airports, by approving a law that will mean that 17,000
regional police, the Mossos, “will stop being part of Spain’s justice system.”
The
pseudo-left Podemos continues its call for dialogue, while promoting illusions
in a PSOE-Podemos government as an alternative to the PP, even as the PSOE is
participating in Sunday’s far-right protest and working directly with Rajoy in
preparing a violent intervention.
Spain’s
Constitutional Court outlawed Monday’s session of the Catalan regional
parliament, at which it was expected that the separatist parties would make
their unilateral declaration of Independence—based on a complaint brought by
the Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSC), the Catalan wing of the PSOE.
All these
political forces are demonstrating their political bankruptcy in the face of a
military-police state threat. They are disarming the working class, despite the
broad opposition that exists to a return to police-state forms of rule.
The
broadly-felt opposition to the brutal attacks on democratic rights in Catalonia
and throughout Spain can only find expression on the basis of politically
independent, revolutionary and socialist perspective independent of all
factions of Spain’s ruling elites and their parties.
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