Capitalist
climate governance has always relied on pseudo-reforms that leave the richest
free to accumulate capital, while dumping taxes on working people to nudge them
in the ’right direction’. But as the protests of the gilets jaunes show, many
working people no longer accept the moralising terms of capitalist approaches
to climate change. In this article, Andreas Malm argues that if we really want
to save this Planet, we must pursue a different kind of climate politics, one
that could learn a great deal from the methods and tactics of the gilets
jaunes.
If anyone
needed another lesson in how not to mitigate climate change, they can thank
Emmanuel Macron. Scrap taxes on the richest, then slap higher taxes on fuels:
one more way of shooting oneself in the foot while claiming to be walking into
a greener future. Capitalist climate governance has, of course, excelled in
this kind of half-illusory, half-destructive pseudo-reforms for the past two
decades.
Somehow, it
always makes sure any actual burdens end up on the shoulders of the poor:
convert agricultural land to biofuels and drive up food prices; offset luxury
emissions by growing forests in Uganda, or some other far-off place, where the
farmers must first be evicted; tell ordinary consumers in Western countries
that they bear the responsibility for the excess of CO2 and have to choose
better (usually more expensive) alternatives; or, as the last magic bullet,
plan for geoengineering schemes destined to lay millions of already vulnerable
lives to waste while saving business-as-usual for some time more.
Now Macron is
the last hero of capitalist climate governance. Self-styled guardian of the
Paris agreement, he has cultivated an aura as the one remaining world leader
who keeps his eye on the prize of lower emissions. But he is coming too late,
for the kind of governance he so loves proved itself bankrupt long ago. It took
the gilets jaunes to shake him out of the illusion (at least for now): one
cannot combat climate change by leaving the richest even freer to accumulate
capital and then dump a tax on working people to nudge them, of all classes, in
the right direction. That has never worked. It never will.
Unfortunately,
the illusion is still alive in the bourgeois mainstream of the environmental
movement: green lobbyists assembled at COP24 greeted Macron’s decision to
suspend the fuel tax with ‘dismay’. ‘If France is putting a brake on
the carbon tax, it puts a brake on energy transition and sends a very bad
signal’, said Pierre Cannet, head of climate and energy policy at WWF France
(although it seems the organisation – mimicking Macron, as it were – later
realised its mistake and sent out a press release taking a distance from the tax).
But as Maxime
Combes of Attac France explains in a splendid piece [1], the tax would never
have precipitated something like an ‘energy transition’. It would not have
converted the French car fleet to cloudlessness. Its only real effect would
have been felt in the wallets of the most cash-strapped consumers who cannot
afford to ditch their old cars.
Nonetheless,
cars must indeed urgently be taken off our roads – so how do we make sure that
happens? Through, for a start, massive expansion of public transportation in
urban as well as rural areas, mass diffusion of alternative modes of
transportation (electrical bicycles, car pools with electrified vehicles),
prohibition of fossil-fuelled private cars in cities, re-zoning of economic
activities to put an end to sprawl, swift electrification of residual necessary
automobility – in short: public investment and public planning on the scale and
at the intensity commensurate to the climate emergency. It would help if the
car industry, in France as
elsewhere, were
ordered to shift production to the stuff needed in this transition, much like
American auto plants were converted to the churning out of tanks in World War
II.
All of this
would have to demand the sacrifice of neither the jobs nor the living standards
of working people, but could improve both, while most certainly clipping the
wings of the ultra-rich. Now Macron doesn’t exactly look like the leader who
contemplates such a package when going to bed at night.
The president
of the rich would rather compensate for their sins by having others carry the
cross until they stumble. But the time has passed when measures of this sort
could even be imagined to make a difference for the climate: the time is over when
the capitalist class can be left in peace. Any progress towards the goal of
averting utter climate breakdown now rather requires that its palaces be
overrun and stormed.
And here is a
second, more productive lesson of the past weeks: this is how we can fight. Any
progress on the climate front will happen through struggle, as in blocking
traffic, walking out of schools, seizing central streets, attacking the most
environmentally damaging of all forms of consumption – the conspicuous luxury
orgies of the rich – and why not: burning cars. Since neither Macron nor any
other leader of a capitalist state is prepared to do what has to be done, those
states will have to be forced to do it, by precisely the kind of bottom-up power
the yellow vests have so effectively paraded.
And there
are, of course, climate movements that act in this spirit, notably Ende
Gelände, which in
late October sent some 6,000 activists (including a good contingent of French)
towards the railway tracks that carry lignite, or brown coal, the dirtiest of
fossil fuels, from the mines to the power-plants in the heartland of German
industry. Here, the chimneys produce both a perpetual cloud of CO2 and handsome
profits to their private owners.
Not so much
when the activists of Ende Gelände blocked the tracks and physically prevented
the conveyance of the coal, to ratchet up the pressure on Angela Merkel –
Macron’s predecessor as the guardian angel of capitalist climate governance –
to close the mines once and for all. Self-organised, unlicensed by the police,
dressed not in yellow but in white uniforms, Ende Gelände has not quite reached
the mass depth or insurrectionary pitch of the gilets jaunes: all the more
reason to learn.
Conversely,
one of the slogans sprayed on the walls of central Paris last Saturday read
‘the climate crisis is a war against the poor.’ But one could wish for a more
pervasive climate militancy among the yellow vests. This is precisely the kind
of convergence des luttes that is needed, and that looks like it might be in
the cards for the upcoming fourth act.
If the
convergence materialises this Saturday or not, one lesson can already be
inferred: if more people than the French had a culture of resistance and knew
how to fight, we might have been somewhere else than on this terribly hot
planet.
Taxes on fuel can work to reduce emissions if public transport is supplied and the tax income from fuel duties is shown to be put directly back into the hands of the poorer sections of society see British Columbia
ReplyDeleteIt certainly needs to be a part of a whole different approach, but as a blunt instrument, it has never worked anywhere. Macron cut taxes for the rich, and then tried of raise the money from fuel tax, on ordinary people. All under the cover of climate change. This approach is always doomed to failure.
ReplyDeleteLook at the high-vis vests in the photo. They are all identical and new. That means someone bought them in bulk and then handed them out.
ReplyDeleteThat also means the protests are not a spontaneous. Who bought the vests and who organized the protests? My guess is the fossil fuel companies.
I find this talk that the protesters are actually protesting tax cuts for the wealthy by protesting taxes on fossil fuels hard to believe.