The Labour
party’s slight shift towards keeping ‘access to the EU internal market’ has
been painted as an opportunity missed of staying in the single market by
anti-Brexit Labour MPs, their friends in the media and assorted has been
Blairites, like Alistair Campbell. They were quick to brand the change as a way
of defeating the government by voting for the House of Lords amendment to the
Brexit Bill to remain in the European Economic Area (EEA), when it returns to the
House of Commons next week.
By voting
with Tory rebel MPs, they say the government can be defeated, causing ructions
amongst the hard Brexit Tory head bangers, possibly leading to the fall of
government and crucially, keeping the UK in the single market and customs
union.
The charge is that the slight change, of keeping access to the single
market, is designed to reduce support for joining the EEA, because the Labour
leadership does not want stay in the single market, which along with the remaining
in the customs union, would solve the Irish border problem and other issues. For example, the Dutch
government advising businesses not use British spare parts, because of EU
rules on the country of origin of imports.
The problem
with this approach though, is that it is unlikely that the stay in the EEA amendment
will be passed anyway. There may be around a dozen or so Tory rebels prepared to
vote for the amendment, but there is probably many more Labour MPs in leave voting
areas, who will vote against it. This pretty much means that the option of staying
in the EEA will be closed off completely, for now at least.
But there is
a glaring problem with the Labour leadership’s new approach of having access to
the single market, in that we are in cake and eat territory, which the EU has
already ruled out, on numerous occasions. In short, a mirror of the Tories
fantasy thinking of the last two years, that the EU will give us anything we want,
which evaporates on contact with negotiations with the EU.
However, Keir
Starmer, Labour’s shadow Brexit secretary, said the
indications he has had from conversations with officials in Brussels, is
that they are open to negotiations if the UK dropped some of its red lines. He
said:
“If the red
lines change, there is a different negotiation to be had. In my discussions
with them … it is clear that what they mean by that is: if we signal we want a
close economic relationship then there is a conversation and negotiation to be
had and it will involve some of the tools in the Norway-style toolbox, we
should have that before giving up on it.”
Since Labour
is less concerned about remaining under the jurisdiction of the European Court
of Justice, and wants to keep EU employment and environmental protections,
unlike the government, it is plausible to think the EU might move on the issue.
Starmer said that some of the provisions of a new status for the UK might be very
similar to the EEA, but not identical. Whether free movement of people might be up
for negotiation is unclear, but there may be some room for some kind of
restrictions on this.
There are
fourteen other amendments to the Brexit Bill coming back from the Lords for the
Commons to vote on, so there will be other opportunities to defeat the government,
especially over remaining in ‘a’ customs union with the EU and perhaps most
importantly, on giving MPs a ‘meaningful say’ on the deal that the Tories bring back from the negotiations with EU in the autumn (probably). If this amendment
is carried, the EEA option might come back onto the agenda at that stage?
I think this
gives us a clue as to Starmer’s longer term strategy here. If the government’s
negotiations do not deliver access to the single market, then Labour will be fully
justified in voting against it, at which stage all hell could break out in the
Tory party. May would be deposed, and we would almost certainly have a general
election, at which point Labour could offer its proposals, which focus groups
indicate are popular with the voters.
If Labour won
the election then I think the EU would be open to new negotiations, and we
might well get a soft Brexit that the public, both remainers and some leavers
are likely to support. It might even lead to another referendum somewhere
down the line on re-joining the EU, as younger voters come onto the electoral
register.
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