Written by
Les Levidow
In fighting antisemitism for a long time, the threat has been adequately understood as ‘hostility towards Jews as Jews’. But this simple definition does not suffice for a different political agenda, namely: conflating antisemitism with criticism of Israel in order to attack the Palestine solidarity movement and intimidate its supporters. This article will explain the attack, its background in a racist agenda and the necessary anti-racist response. For numerous sources, see hyperlinks in this piece.
Antisemitism weaponised
For at least
two years, a focus of dispute has been a long guidance document including seven
examples about Israel, four of them especially contentious. The long document appears on the website of
the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA).
Yet its 2016 delegate meeting agreed only a short definition without any examples.
Back then,
four of the examples were criticised
by our Jewish-led campaign group. For
example, ‘Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the
Nazis’ is supposedly antisemitic. Yet
Israel’s treatment of Palestinians has instructive comparisons with the racist
Nuremberg Laws; likewise the siege of Gaza with Nazi-imposed ghettos. Such comparisons have been drawn by Holocaust
survivors (especially Hajo Meyer) and have been explained in the Israeli
newspaper Haaretz. Are they antisemitic?
Deploying the
four contentious examples, pro-Israel groups have repeatedly made false
accusations of antisemitism against pro-Palestine activists, especially those
in the Labour Party. In July 2018 the
Labour Party leadership rightly adopted a Code modifying the examples, rather
than simply adopt them. Jewish
pro-Palestine groups have led the campaign to defend
the Code. That defence has been
elaborated by the Jewish academic Brian
Klug.
Why such intense
conflict
over those four examples? Listen to those
who have led the false accusations: ‘Had the full IHRA document with examples
been approved,…. thousands of Labour and Momentum members would need to be
expelled’ (Jewish Chronicle, 25.07.18). Likewise ‘antisemitism’ accusations would
apply to thousands of Green Party members (including Jewish ones) who have opposed
the Israeli regime.
In
particular, the well-known phrase ‘apartheid Israel’ has been targeted as
antisemitic according to this IHRA example: ‘Denying the Jewish people their
right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of
Israel is a racist endeavour’. This
example applies to the entire campaign for Boycott, Divestment and Sanction
(BDS); according to its 2005 Palestinian
call, BDS will continue until Israel ends its apartheid, settler-colonial
regime. The example also could apply to
the Green Party’s 2008 conference decision
supporting the BDS campaign.
The taboo on
the ‘apartheid’ label has been deployed to undermine Palestine solidarity
events. In December 2016 the full IHRA guidance document was adopted by the UK
government. Then the Department for
Education warned all universities that they must apply the IHRA criteria and
that ‘antisemitic comments’ may arise during Israel Apartheid Week
2017.
Accommodating
the government, some
universities denied or cancelled permission to student groups for Palestine
events. More subtly, many universities imposed bureaucratic obstacles or speech
restrictions. Student activists have had no recourse to any
formal procedure for defending their right of free assembly and expression.
This
political use of the contentious examples has been predictable. The full document originated in 2004 from the
American Jewish Committee, a US pro-Israel lobby group aiming to counter
‘the one-sided treatment of Israel at the United Nations’.
According to the main author of the antisemitism guidance document, Kenneth
Stern, the ‘apartheid’
label is ‘an accusation linked with antisemitism’. Israel’s defenders have attempted to censor
the label because apartheid is a crime under UN Conventions.
Anti-racist response
Facing the
campaign of smears and intimidation, we need an anti-racist response. Thirty Jewish organisations in a dozen
countries have issued a
Global Jewish Statement, which urges ‘our governments, municipalities,
universities and other institutions to reject the IHRA definition’. As they argue, the text is intentionally
worded to suppress legitimate criticisms of Israel. It ‘undermines both the Palestinian struggle
for freedom, justice and equality and the global struggle against antisemitism’.
Numerous BAME
groups and Palestinians
have denounced the IHRA document on several grounds. In particular, it suppresses the Palestinians’
own narrative of being dispossessed by a racist colonisation project. As this shows, the contentious IHRA examples
are racist against Palestinians. The
above example also portrays Jews as a nation seeking self-determination in the
state of Israel; this is a racist stereotype of Jews. When
Jewish pro-Israel groups try to restrict criticism of Israel, moreover, such
efforts increase resentment against Jews and feed antisemitic conspiracy
theories.
The Green
Party should join the above groups in denouncing the smear campaign and the
IHRA’s contentious examples as prime weapons. Yet some Green Party members have
advocated a late motion accepting the entire IHRA guidance document. For identifying anti-Semitism, the motion
refers to ‘the overall context’ of any statement – yet strangely ignores
today’s context. Namely: antisemitism
has been weaponised in order to undermine the Labour Party leadership and to
promote false allegations against pro-Palestine activists (including Shahrar
Ali). The late motion accommodates
and sanitises that smear campaign. Both should be rejected by all anti-racists.
For similar
reasons, ‘antisemitism training’ must discuss how best to define antisemitism. Which criteria would be anti-racist or racist? Without such discussion, training may simply
promote the IHRA guidance, thus intimidating participants or deterring
participation.
In all those
ways, let’s defend the Palestine solidarity movement from political intimidation
in the guise of opposing antisemitism. This anti-racist stance is essential for distinguishing
real antisemitism from false accusations.
Les Levidow is a member of Camden Green Party and a supporter of Green Left.
The author has
participated in several Jewish pro-Palestine organisations since the 1980s. In particular, Free Speech on Israel was
established in April 2016 to counter the ‘antisemitism’ smear campaign. He also participates in the British Committee
for the Universities of Palestine (BRICUP) and the Campaign Against
Criminalising Communities (CAMPACC).
Thanks for this Les; interesting and helpful
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