I argued on this blog recently that the Green party
should avoid any coalitions with other parties, should we win enough seats at
the general election to be invited into one. I said that the most we should
consider is a Confidence and Supply (C&S) arrangement with the more ‘progressive’
parties.
This means that the Greens would vote with a minority government on
votes of confidence and for their budget proposals. All other issues would be
dealt with on a case by case basis.
Thinking this through though, I’m going to lay out here the
pros and cons for the Greens in taking a C&S approach.
Firstly, the pros. Should the numbers fall right after the
general election, and Labour are the largest party, but short of an overall
majority and we win a handful of seats, together perhaps with the Scottish and
Welsh nationalists, we might judge that by getting some concessions from a
minority Labour government, we can further our cause in some way. For example,
scrapping the white elephant that is the Trident nuclear weapons system, which
has been mooted recently.
A bonus to this might be that we remove the odious Tories
from government, and get a Labour government instead. Although Labour will
continue the austerity measures of the present government, they would cut a
little less and at a slower rate. This might not be what we really want, but if
it saves some public services from the axe, who are we to sentence the public
to five more years of savage Tory cuts, taking us back to 1930s levels of
public spending?
Of course, by scrapping Trident we would save billions of
pounds which could be used to reduce other spending cuts further, as well as
achieving a notable victory over nuclear proliferation.
Maybe this is the best we can hope for and the pressure
would be on our MPs to do the best they can in minimising cuts and achieving
something valuable?
On the other hand, I think this would be an extremely risky
strategy for the Green party to take. The main focus of our election campaign will
be as an ‘anti-austerity’ party, where we challenge the perceived wisdom of
‘there is no alternative’ narrative, and instead advocate more taxes on those
who can easily afford them and a less obsessive attitude to clearing the
national debt by spending cuts over the next few years.
Of course we will be putting forward a whole raft of
policies which would in effect be a root and branch rearrangement of our whole
economy and how we live generally. But the anti-austerity banner will be at the
forefront, to distinguish us from the other parties, and it is bound to be what
the media will focus on, because it makes for a good story.
The big risk is, to promise to be anti-austerity, win some
representation and then vote for a cuts budget, even a bit less of the cuts. This
could be another ‘Lib Dem moment’, a party who campaigned against university
tuition fees, went into coalition government with the Tories, and promptly
increased university tuition fees. Look what has happened to the Lib Dems? They
are pretty much finished as a significant political party now.
The public are, quite rightly, sick of politicians who
promise to do things, and then do the exact opposite, once they have bagged the
people’s votes.
It is highly unlikely that Labour would offer to scrap
Trident or to alter their budget plans in any major kind of way. This is
all hypothetical in any case, as the numbers may not fall in the right way or
we might win only a couple of seats and others, notably the SNP do well enough
to form a pact with Labour alone.
Best to be clear I think, and say now that we will not vote for an austerity budget under any
circumstances. We can position ourselves well for the 2020 election, or
even sooner election given the chances of a clear winner emerging in May is
pretty small. There has been a motion submitted to the party’s spring
conference, D5, (and an amendment to it), which covers this issue, so it should be
debated by party members in March.
I think we need to be very careful here, as this will be a
vital call for the Green party. The only way we will get real change, is if we stick
to our principles, and not get involved in some sordid horse trading. We are
against the austerity programme, why on earth would we endorse it?
Ridiculous to even ask this question.
ReplyDeleteNo.
The point is that there is enough money in the system.
We could scrap trident, tackle tax avoiders and then scrap austerity.
If the numbers fall right, which I think is unlikely, it will be a hard choice to inflict another five years of the Tories on the country. It depends how much Labour would be prepared to move away from austerity. I don't think they move much and go as a minority or make a deal with SNP, maybe the Lib Dems.
ReplyDeleteCan't imagine that labour would ditch Trident, so I believe there would be no grounds for a pact. But far more importantly (and we already know this) we have to learn the lesson the Lib Dem's have taught us. It would be a complete disaster if we formed a coalition with anyone and sold our souls in the process!
ReplyDeleteI don't anyone is suggesting a full coalition, but it has been suggested we would support a Labour budget.
ReplyDeleteIf Labour was forced to surrender power on a point of "principle" because it wouldn't abandon austerity or scrap Trident then this would be Labour's own "Lib Dem moment". Labour has many supporters, and indeed many members, who still think it is a party of the left.
ReplyDeleteGood point Phil. It is going to be a tough call this.
ReplyDeleteWhats tough?
ReplyDeleteSupporting austerity should be a green red line.
I think the post shows which way I am leaning. But I wouldn't feel too happy about inflicting the another 5 years of the Tories on the country - bad as Labour are.
ReplyDeleteThere may be 'enough money', but there is far too much debt in the system, due to the fact that over 97% of the money in the system has been created by private banks, as they create-and-lend it into circulation, adding interest charges onto the loan. The money is then destroyed as the loans are paid off.
ReplyDeleteWe need to publicise our policy to end this privilege of the private banks, and make the State the only creator of or national money, and have it spend, not lend money into circulation.